Big thank you from Lisburn.com

THE WAR OF 1812 THROUGH IRISH EYES

By GRENFELL MORTON

See Letters home to Lisburn

THE REVEREND ANDREW CRAIG, the minister of the First Presbyterian congregation in Lisburn from 1782-1824, had three daughters, Mary, Margaret and Rachel. Mary married William Cumming, a wealthy merchant from Petersburg, Virginia, and went with him to the United Stales just before the outbreak of hostilities between that republic and the United Kingdom. The correspondence between Mary and her sister Margaret and her father in Lisburn not only illustrates the close links which many emigrants to the U.S.A. maintained with Ireland, but also provides fresh and personal insights into the course and consequences of the American War of 1812-14, a war which appears to us to be merely a trifling episode in the course of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars, but which was to the American virtually a second War for Independence.1

From the outbreak of war between Britain and France in 1793, Anglo-American relations had been strained. Although President Washington had issued a declaration of American neutrality, the British insisted on the right to search neutral vessels for what they considered to be contraband of war. Furthermore, American sailors Were sometimes press-ganged into service in the Royal Navy,2 and British naval squadrons kept a watchful eye an American east coast ports. In New York, for example, the merchants bitterly complained that 'the conduct of Great Britain in blockading our harbour - firing on our vessels within our precincts - has excited a very strong sensation.'3

However, in spite of these increasingly unfavourable circumstances, the stream of emigration from the north of Ireland, which had been increased by the tragic events of 1798, continued to flow. Indeed, an observer in New York noted that 'the emigrants from every part of Ireland are pouring in here in unexampled numbers.'4 Among them were William and Mary Cumming. They travelled from Lisburn to Liverpool via Warrenpoint, and endured a rough passage. Mary complained that 'water came into the bed, and Mr. Containing found a dead rat that had been under my head all night: However, she consoled herself by reflecting that 'the prospect of being with you again (in Lisburn) will keep up my spirits for four or five years.' Here was a homesickness at the start from which she never recovered and which was never to be expiated. Not even all William's kindness could diminish or erase Mary's perpetual longing for the soft breezes and the green fields of Lisburn and South Antrim. William had made proper provision for his wife's wardrobe: 'Mr. Cumming wants me to have a velvet pelisse to wear in America . . . I got it and a hat the same . . . it is bright green and yellow shot. I have got some handsome silk and cotton stockings, some lace and cotton for morning gowns, also pretty muslin with a satin sprig, and striped muslin.'5 The Cummings travelled with a Mr. and Mrs. William Brown, who were going to visit Mr. Brown's father, Dr. Brown of Baltimore. Mary was pleased to find that there were two other ladies sailing with them on the Lydia; in addition 'there is a fine cow on board, which will make it very pleasant.'6

The voyage lasted for six weeks and the passage was, in the main, very rough. Poor Mary spent half the voyage in her bunk, and was understandably delighted to see the woods and spires of New York. They stayed there for some days with the Dickey family, who were related to both Mr. Counting and Mr. Brown.7 From New York they travelled by steamboat to New Brunswick, N.J., then by stagecoach to Bordentown on the Delaware, and onward down that river by steamboat to Philadelphia. Mary enjoyed this method of travelling, 'there is not the least motion in the boat, and you glide along almost imperceptibly. '8 Mary's spirits were high. She told her brother James that she was very much pleased with America. The principal towns are very handsome, some of the public buildings are extremely beautiful and the houses have all a clean nice look, owing I suppose to the inhabitants burning wood instead of coals. Philadelphia is thought to be the handsomest town, it is built in the most regular manner, but I admire New York more.'9 At Baltimore they stayed with Dr. Brown, and met a number of Irish friends there. 'John Oliver, the same good-natured pleasing man I remember in Ireland . .. and Mr. Sinclair the same lively laughing man . . . he married my Father and Mother . . . he has a situation in the College of Baltimore.' They visited the Olivers' home and admired its marble steps, the figured satin curtains, covers and cushions, and the collection of fine bone china. They travelled by mail-coach the forty-five miles to Georgetown, and visited the federal capital of Washington, a city then in an early stage of development. It was laid down on a most extensive plan . . . now it looks like small villages.' However, the President's house (designed by James Hoban of Dublin) was 'a magnificent edifice.' Finally, they crossed the 'celebrated bridge over the Potomac, which is built of wood and a mile in length', travelled through Alexandria and Richmond to their destination at Petersburg.10

Mary was delighted with her new home. Interestingly, the ground floor was taken up with the business offices and store and room for the apprentices; above were the living rooms, and a back stairs leading through the shrubbery to a detached kitchen. Here Mary met her domestic staff. 'There is a large family in the kitchen. Nancy the cook, Jennie the housemaid . . . with four fine children, one to be my attendant . .. Betty, Corn, Joseph and Palermo . .. servants all appear regular and well-behaved . . . they were delighted to see us when we arrived: 11 She added, 'I like the black servants, (I cannot bear the word slaves) very much,'12 Curiously, this was quite a usual attitude amongst immigrants from Ulster.

Although fascinated by the affluent and gracious Virginian life into which she had entered, Mary soon became aware of the deterioration in Anglo-American relations. The increasing possibility of war, and the likelihood of the re-imposition of President Jefferson's embargo on trade (1807-09)13 formed the chief topics of serious conversation in Petersburg society. Mary was alarmed, but wrote to her father in December, 1811, that she thought his fears respecting war to be without foundation. 'It is a dreadful thing to think of, two nations going to war with one another who are so nearly connected as the Americans and the English' (sic),14 She was much reassured by William's opinion that there would not be war, 'but that if Great Britain adheres to her Orders in Council, the present embargo system may be adhered to: By this she referred to President Madison's having forbidden trade with Great Britain under the terms of the Macon Act of 1811.15 William indeed, by May 1812, had reached the conclusion that the 'Executive and Congress wish to plunge the country into war with Great Britain, but they cannot wage war unless the people are with them, and this is by no means the case in my opinion. The Eastern people begin already to sit uneasy under the Embargo: [He is referring to the merchants and shipowners of New England, whose dislike of the war with Britain led to the Hartford Convention in 1814, during which the New England States considered secession from the Union, a paradoxical foreshadowing of the nullification movement led by John C. Calhoun in South Carolina in the 1830's.] 16 'It is the opinion of many that intercourse will be thrown open at the end of ninety days . . . I am convinced (our rulers) don't know this week what measures they will pursue next.'17 At length, Congress declared war on the United Kingdom on 18th June, 1812. Mary noted that 'the happy news was announced by the firing of cannon ' adding sadly' I now feel as if I was a prisoner in this country!'18 William thought that the war was quite contrary to the whims and expectations of the great majority of the American people. 'I believe it was a last effort that the good sense of the people of this country will permit the party in power to govern much longer, nor do I think there is any danger of an alliance with France, although I firmly believe Mr. Madison would like such a measure: He went on to consider the attitude of the New England shipowners, four-fifths (of whose shipping) is now abroad, and nearly all of them will fail into the hands of Great Britain . . . The last New York Gazette contains a list of seventeen valuable ships that have been taken off our coast and sent to Halifax (Nova Scotia). However, I cannot bring myself to believe that the war will be of long duration." This hope that the war would be over by Christmas was a delusion.

Meantime, communications with Lisburn were maintained through Sweden. Mary wrote to her family eve now have three cows. I intend laying out my money in the purchase of tobacco. William sometimes buys 20 hogsheads a day and pays $100 a piece for them . . . if this dreadful embargo persists it will be a terrible thing for us merchants! .. . I do not know what we will do if this war last much longer, every article of imported goods is three times the price it used to be. We now have to pay 5/3 a yard for common printed calico, (but) provisions are to be had as usual.' She bewailed the embargo on overseas trade which would last until peace came and added bitterly 'Jemmy Madison has got his wish now, and a nice situation the country is in at present! . . . They talk of this being a land of liberty and such stuff, but in my opinion it is not so much as Great Britain. '20

In 1812 Napoleon had launched his Grand Army against Russia, in an attempt to force the Tsar to conform to his policy of closing the continent to British trade. After Smolensk and Borodino came the burning of Moscow and the terrible retreat in the depths of winter. 'There is some hope that the discomfiture of Bonaparte in Russia may tend to lower the demands of (the US.) government on yours, and in that case a peace may be concluded in the present year.'21 William was less sanguine than his wife. He was right. In December, 1813 we find him still stockpiling hogsheads of tobacco which he hoped to ship when peace came in 1814. He had begun to think that the war could not continue much longer and that the embargo had made many people discontented, although the violent democrats' still favoured hostilities.22 By July, 1814, peace was being widely hoped for:- the people of this country . . . are quite tired of war, and now that John Bull has it in his power to injure us so much I believe the most violent would like to be on friendly terns with him again.�23 Peace however, was slow in coming. Mary wrote despondently in October, 1814, that she had abandoned ail immediate hope for 'by the arrival of the John Adams about a week ago we heard the marvellous intelligence that the American ministers were about to return without an honourable peace.' This was because the British insisted on boundary rectification in Maine, and looked for access to the headwaters of the Mississippi. The British case initially appeared to be strengthened by the capture of Washington in 24th August, 1814 by a force under General Robert Ross (from Rostrevor, Co. Down), Ross had recently defeated the Americans at Bladensburg, and his men now proceeded to burn the Presidential mansion. When restored and refurbished it was christened. After Smolensk and Borodino came the burning of Moscow and the terrible retreat in the depths of winter. 'There is some hope that the discomfiture of Bonaparte in Russia may tend to lower the demands of (the US.) government on yours, and in that case a peace may be concluded in the present year.'21 William was less sanguine than his wife. He was right. In December, 1813 we find him still stockpiling hogsheads of tobacco which he hoped to ship when peace came in 1814. He had begun to think that the war could not continue much longer and that the embargo had made many people discontented, although the violent democrats' still favoured hostilities.22 By July, 1814, peace was being widely hoped for: 'the people of this country . . . are quite tired of war, and now that John Bull has it in his power to injure us so much I believe the most violent would like to be on friendly terns with him again.'23 Peace however, was slow in coming. Mary wrote despondently in October, 1814, that she had abandoned ail immediate hope for 'by the arrival of the John Adams about a week ago we heard the marvellous intelligence that the American ministers were about to return without an honourable peace.' This was because the British insisted on boundary rectification in Maine, and looked for access to the headwaters of the Mississippi. The British case initially appeared to be strengthened by the capture of Washington in 24th August, 1814 by a force under General Robert Ross (from Rostrevor, Co. Down), Ross had recently defeated the Americans at Bladensburg, and his men now proceeded to burn the Presidential mansion. When restored and refurbished it was christened the "White House". Baltimore was attacked next and Fort McHenry bombarded. However, the British were repulsed and as the smoke cleared away the 'Star Spangled Banner' was seen floating triumphantly in the breeze. This setback, coupled with the American naval victory at Plattsburg on Lake Champlain, saved the peace negotiations, although the fear of fresh attacks in the Chesapeake Bay area had not abated. 'In Petersburg we are almost now in the middle of a camp, nothing to be heard but the discordant fife and drum. The inhabitants are all busily engaged in preparing for another attack . . . I think the late demands of Great Britain (in the auger stages of the peace talks) have served to unite the people in favour of the war more than any other event that could have taken place.'24

The Virginian woods had now assumed their autumn glory. This was the sickly Fall season that Mary dreaded. Already she had lost two children in infancy, and now she herself was seriously ill, and was slowly sinking under the bleeding and blistering which was prescribed by her doctors. She lived long enough to be aware of the peace signed at Ghent in December 1814, and to learn of the staggering victory won by that hard-bitten man of Ulster stock, Andrew Jackson, over the British forces led by the Anglo‑Irish general Packenham on 8th January, 1815. 26 Two months later Mary was dead, and, in the following year her husband William, who had paid a brief visit to Ireland, also died.

Such was the Bark across the Atlantic borne
In plaintive urges sighed the Western gale,
Which bade the flood of weeping friendship mount,
The tidings. Mary, of thy hapless tale.

What ear once by thy lively converse blest,
Which from the tidings would not shrink away,
What eye, that saw thee in youth's roseate best,
Would not embalm with terns thy lifeless clay?27

1815 was indeed a turning point in history. In America, Madison's last years of office saw the industrial revolution firmly established in New England, the rapid spread of cotton cultivation into the Lower South and the graduation of Alabama, Missouri, Illinois and Indiana to statehood. In short, the United States had for a second time defeated Britain, reaffirmed independence and could now safely begin to turn away from the Atlantic towards the seemingly limitless prospects offered by westward expansion and internal improvements. small wonder that such a young country, where civil, religious and political liberty were fully enjoyed should have attracted so many immigrants from the British Isles and continental Europe. For Britain, the years after 1815 saw the takeoff into sustained economic growth as the 'workshop of the world' which provided the basis for the building of a new and far‑flung Empire. Finally, while the north-eastern corner and the eastern section of Ireland benefited by the Union, the western half sank steadily towards the disastrous famine years. It was fortunate that the United Stares offered an open door to the steady and increasing flow of immigrants from Ireland amongst whom those from Ulster, and particularly from Co. Antrim played a significant part in the building of the American Republic.

1. S. E. Morison, H. S. Commager and W. E. Leuchtenberg, "The Growth of the American Republic", Vol. 1, pp. 177‑91.
2. T. W. Tone, "Autobiography"; quoted in F. MacDermot, "Theobald Wolfe Tone", pp. 165-6.
3. Dr. George Coming to Robert Simms, 1805 (7.1815).
4. W. Chambers to R. Simms, New York, 24th May, 1811. ((.1815).
5. Mary Cumming to Margaret Craig, Liverpool, 30th August, 1811(7.1475/2).
6. Mary Cumming to Margaret Craig, Liverpool, 22nd September, 1811(7.1475/2).
7. Mary Cumming to Margaret Craig, New York, 3rd November, 1811 (T.1475/2).
8. Mary Cumming to Margaret Craig, Petersburg, Va., 25th November, 1811 (7.1475/2).
9.  Mary Cumming to James Craig, Petersburg, 11th November, 1811(7.1475/2)
10. Mary Cumming to Margaret Craig, Petersburg, 25th November, 1811(7.1475/2).
11. Ibid
12. Mary Cumming to Margaret Craig, 24th February, 1812 (7.1475/2).
13. Morison, Commager and Leuchtenberg, "American Republic". 1. pp. 349-356. 14.
14.  Mary Cumming to Margaret Craig, Petersburg, 24th April, 1912 (7.1475/2).
15. Mary Cumming to Rev. Andrew Craig, Petersburg, orb December, 1811 (7.1475/2).
16. H. J. Cayman, H. C. Syrett and B. W. Wishy, "A History of the American People", Vol. 1, pp. 3545.
17. Watson Cornering to Margaret Craig, Peterabmg, 2nd May, 1812 (7.1475/2).
18. Mary Cumming to Margaret Craig, Petersburg, 24th June, 1812 (7.1475/2).
19. William Cumming to Rev. Andrew Craig, Petersburg, 3rd August, 1812 (7.1475/2).
20. Mary Cumming to Margaret Crag, Blandford near Petersburg, September, 1812 (7.1475/2).
21. Mary Cumming to Rev. A. Craig, 29th June, 1813 (7.1475/2).
22. Mary Cumming to Margaret Craig, Blandford, 20th December, 1815 (7.1475/2).
23. Mary Cumming to Margaret Craig, 24th July, 1814 (7.1475/2). This is a reference to the British naval task force in Chesapeake Bay under Admiral Sir John Borlase Warren.
24. Mary Cumming to Margaret Ward (Craig), Blandford, 14th October,1814 (7.1475/2).
25. Mary Cumming to Margaret Ward, Blandford, l 1th February, 1815 (7.1475/2).
26. ef. C. Lewis, Kilkeel to D. McDowell, Georgetown, S.C., 30th September 1815 (T1305/14); 'Don't be comparing your Farmer Jackson to our Irish military hero [Wallington], nor year fresh water sailors (sc. on the Great Lakes) to the conqueror of the seas.'
27.

Henderson Wightman to Nancy Wightman, Malta, 11th July, 1816 (7.1475/1).

I am indebted to Mr. R. J. M Irvine of Lemnaleary House, Carnlough, Co. Antrim, and to the Deputy Keeper of the Records, Northern Ireland, for their kind co-operation in granting permission to quote from the transcripts of the letters of the Craig and Cumming families of Lisburn. I am also indebted to the Presbyterian Historical Society and to the Deputy Keeper of the Records for references from the Simns Letters (T.1815), and to Miss E. M. McAllister for drawing my attention to the letters of the Craig, Cumming and Wightman families of Lisburn (T.1475). Finally, my thanks to Emmett R. Ford, Jr. and to Professor Robert D. Cross for making the University of Virginia so welcoming a campus to visit, and to the British Academy for the generous great which underpinned my studies in the U.S.A.